The Unseen Battle: The Four Attempts on Narendra Modi’s Life

Binay Kumar Singh, a distinguished author and researcher frequently appearing on television panels, offers a grounded perspective on national security and policy issues. He regularly contributes to national and international publications, focusing on internal security. His pivotal report on the activities of the Popular Front of India (PFI) in Jharkhand led to the ban of the organization in the state for its anti-national activities. Singh has conducted extensive research on a wide range of issues, including the Maoist-Missionary alliance, the illegal cattle trade-terror nexus, coal mafia cartels, chit fund, and Ponzi schemes, among others. In his latest book, The Four Attempts on Narendra Modi’s Life, co-authored with Prashant Pandey, Binay presents a fact-based examination of instances where anti-India forces sought to eliminate Narendra Modi, both politically and physically, from his tenure as Gujarat Chief Minister to his time as Prime Minister.

The book, The Four Attempts on Narendra Modi’s Life, delves into four critical cases: the 2004 Ishrat Jahan encounter, the 2008 Ahmedabad serial blasts, the 2013 Patna rally bombings, and the 2023 Bhima Koregaon case. Through court judgments, chargesheets, and substantial evidence, the authors reveal the deceptive tactics of those opposed to Modi and, by extension, to Bharat. These forces tried to remove Modi from power at any cost, either by physical elimination or political subversion, with the ultimate aim of eroding the trust that the Indian people had placed in their leader.

Binay’s work uncovers the convergence of four distinct groups: Islamic radicals, the Naxal-Left spectrum, segments of civil society, including certain NGOs, and sections of the media, as well as various human rights organizations.

In an exclusive conversation with The Interview World, Binay Kumar Singh shares the motivation behind writing the book The Four Attempts on Narendra Modi’s Life, discusses the incidents that targeted Narendra Modi, emphasizes the rigorous research underpinning his narrative, and elaborates on the factors he considered to present an accurate account. Here are the key insights from his interview.

Q: What inspired you to write The Four Attempts on Narendra Modi’s Life, and why did you feel it was important to bring these specific incidents to light?

A: As a student of national security, I specialize in “grey zone warfare,” also referred to as the “fifth generation of warfare,” and its future implications for India.

The book The Four Attempts on Narendra Modi’s Life exemplifies grey zone warfare tactics employed against India by targeting its Prime Minister. It presents four case studies: three incidents from Modi’s tenure as Chief Minister of Gujarat, and a fourth during his first term as Prime Minister of India.

This book allows readers to delve into the intricacies of fifth-generation warfare, where conventional terrorism—what I call “bullet terrorism”—is intertwined with intellectual terrorism, or propaganda. This combination of methods is particularly insidious, presenting severe threats to the nation’s stability and social fabric.

Q: Your book presents a detailed account of four key incidents aimed at eliminating Narendra Modi. Could you explain how you selected these cases and what criteria you used to determine their significance?

A: The four case studies presented as chapters in the book The Four Attempts on Narendra Modi’s Life include verified assassination attempts or strategies, substantiated by court judgments, final reports, and charge sheets from reputable Indian and international agencies.

These chapters examine the 2003 Ishrat Jahan case, the 2008 Ahmedabad serial blasts, the 2013 Patna serial blasts, and the 2018 Bhima Koregaon case investigation.

Although reported in the public domain, other incidents have only brief mentions, not examined in detail. These include the 2022 incident when Prime Minister Modi’s convoy was stranded on a flyover, the video released by the killers of a Jaipur tailor in which they expressed an intention to target the Prime Minister, and the intelligence received by Kerala DGP Mr. Sen Kumar about a potential threat to the Prime Minister during a function in Kerala.

The book focuses exclusively on the four attempts that were definitively verified, leaving no doubt about their authenticity.

Q: You mention that the book The Four Attempts on Narendra Modi’s Life is based on court judgments, chargesheet documents, and other substantial evidence. Can you share some of the most compelling pieces of evidence you uncovered during your research?

A: Compelling evidence exists in each of these cases that has not been fully brought to public attention. For instance, in the Ishrat Jahan case, while the CBI took over the investigation in 2011, substantial evidence had already emerged earlier proving that the actions of the Ahmedabad crime branch were justified and that it was, in fact, a terrorist operation—not a fake encounter.

One crucial piece of evidence comes from Daniel C. Clegg, a legal attaché with the U.S. Consulate and an FBI officer involved in the joint investigation between Indian and U.S. agencies following the 26/11 Mumbai attacks, which included international terrorist David Coleman Headley. In 2010, Clegg wrote to India’s Intelligence Bureau (IB), asserting that the FBI had intelligence indicating that Ishrat Jahan was a terrorist, and that she and her handler were planning to assassinate Narendra Modi, then the Chief Minister of Gujarat.

Further, Headley himself admitted to knowing Ishrat Jahan and her handler in Pakistan, who were involved in plotting Modi’s assassination. Additionally, WikiLeaks disclosed U.S. diplomatic cables revealing that American agencies had intelligence on Ishrat Jahan and her handler’s plans to target Modi.

Despite these critical pieces of evidence from both national and international sources, the Manmohan Singh government chose to ignore them. The Ishrat Jahan case was manipulated for political purposes, aimed solely at damaging the reputation of Narendra Modi, an emerging national leader who narrowly escaped a terrorist plot.

This case exemplifies the misuse of Indian agencies to settle political scores.

Q: The book discusses the convergence of various groups—Islamic radicals, Naxal-Left spectrum, civil society, and certain media sections—against Modi. What common objectives or motivations did you identify among these groups?

A: I term the convergence of Islamic radicals, Naxals, elements from the left spectrum, segments of civil society, media, certain legal professionals, and cultural activists as the “Quadriga.” Traditionally, a quadriga refers to a chariot drawn by four horses. Here, the four “horses” symbolize Naxals, missionaries, radicals, and a group of professionals dedicated to controlling the narrative. The chariot, in turn, represents their anti-India agenda—a synchronized campaign with a shared objective to destabilize the Indian state and disrupt its social fabric.

Despite their ideological differences, these factions find common ground in their opposition to India. This “Quadriga” operates like a finely-tuned machine, working in close coordination to advance their collective goals.

Q: How did you navigate the challenge of presenting sensitive political and security issues in your book while ensuring a factual and balanced narrative?

A: When addressing politically and security-sensitive topics, the author must concentrate exclusively on hard, irrefutable facts. In my research, I have relied solely on court judgments, charge sheets from Indian agencies, and documents from reputable international organizations.

My role as an author is to present these facts in a clear, chronological, and engaging storytelling format, while highlighting recurring patterns in the assassination attempts. Additionally, I have analyzed the evolving tactics of terror organizations operating in India.

Q: One of the themes of your book is the portrayal of incidents by Modi’s detractors, such as the portrayal of Ishrat Jahan as an ‘innocent girl.’ How do you see the role of media in shaping public perception in these cases?

A: In the case of Ishrat Jahan, a narrative quickly emerged the day after the encounter, depicting her as an innocent minority girl and a victim of the so-called fascist Hindutva regime.

Similarly, following the Ahmedabad and Patna serial blasts, another narrative suggested that Modi was a political beneficiary of these terrorist attacks, which were allegedly exaggerated to serve his interests.

In the Bhima Koregaon investigation, when correspondence surfaced between two high-profile Naxalite leaders revealing a plan to assassinate Prime Minister Modi during a roadshow, it was dismissed as a casual conversation between two individuals rather than a serious terrorist plot.

These persistent efforts to deflect public attention from the core issue or to portray victims as aggressors or beneficiaries indicate the existence of an ecosystem that shields terror outfits while undermining the Indian state and its popular leaders.

Q: The book claims that the opposition to Modi is, in essence, an opposition to anything ‘Bharatiya.’ Could you explain how this viewpoint developed through your investigation and what it means for India’s political landscape?

A: The assertion that opposition to Modi equates to opposition to India and anything Bharatiya is based on the Gujarat High Court’s judgment in the Ahmedabad serial blast case. In that case, the defense lawyer for the terrorists argued that targeting Modi did not mean targeting the state. However, the court ruled otherwise, stating that Modi, as the head of a constitutional body, was not just an individual; attacking him was, therefore, an attack on the state itself.

The second rationale for this statement stems from the common minimum program of the “Quadriga”—a coalition of Naxals, radicals, missionaries, and certain professionals. This coalition targets the Indian state, nationalist organizations like the RSS, Hindu culture, and the world’s most admired and influential leader, Narendra Modi, who also serves as the Prime Minister of India.